The Nazi Experiment: An Unfinished Retrospective

Introduction
What Is the “Nazi Experiment”?
Why Treat It as an “Experiment”?
The Backstory—Why Am I Doing This?
The Prequels to the Series
The Nazi Experiment Podcast Series
The Myth of the Blood Spinoff Series
The Myth of the Blood Podcast Series
Other Possible (or Likely) Spinoffs to Come

Introduction

I would like to take a moment to present to you a long-running series in my work that is known as the “Nazi Experiment.”

Most of you will know this work mainly as a long-running podcast series, and the point of this article will be to introduce in a single place each and every one of those (so far) in a single place. In fact, it is essentially just that, but there’s a story to why I’m doing it and a lot of points to draw out that deserve a little highlight of their own. Here, I want to deal with both of those as well.

Since there are about thirty pieces (so far), strap in. This is going to take a while.

What is the “Nazi Experiment”?

The “Nazi Experiment” is the grand social, political, and economic experiment run by the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP), or Nazi Party, beginning shortly after World War I and terminating, for most intents and purposes, at the end of World War II in Europe, and followed by the Nuremberg Trials. Depending on how you count it, then, the Nazi Experiment ran for about twenty-five to thirty years, twelve of them actively putting their program into action with the power of the German state.

To put the punchline first: The Nazi Experiment was one of the biggest failures and man-made catastrophes in human history, so we should conclude that it didn’t work and should not make the foolish mistake of repeating it or its elements in new forms, as though it “could work this time.” That is, real Nazism and real National Socialism have been tried, and it was a disaster.

There are a lot of ways we could characterize the Nazi Experiment, and we could spend a lot of time articulating why the Nazis and the Germans thought this experiment was necessary and a good idea. In the series, I spend a lot of time doing that, in fact. I hope the reader will engage that material.

The unbelievably short version of the why is that Germany had a lot of problems after World War I—economic, political, social, psychological—some more expected and deserved than others, and they were bad enough to warrant doing something about. The weak and decadent government of the Weimar Republic wasn’t about to do anything useful, so desperate times seemed to call for desperate measures. I won’t say more about this here. It has been covered, including by me, in great detail elsewhere.

The what is a little more interesting as a question. What was the Nazi Experiment, anyway?

A good, simple, straight answer is that the Nazi Experiment was a test to see if national socialism can work. That is, can you make socialism work by making it nationalist enough? The answer seems to be no. The thing is, though, in all fairness, the Nazi approach to national socialism was pretty unique and pretty uniquely terrible and stupid, so it cannot on its own fully indict national socialism in general. Thus, perhaps, nationalist socialism is a better term here for the broader concept. In any case, the Fascists couldn’t make nationalist socialism work either, so we’re on pretty solid grounds in saying the answer is no. Those grounds could be solidified considerably through theoretical explanation, but here isn’t the place for it.

The Nazi Experiment was something more specific, though. It had specific contents: explicitly racialist, based on an incorrect and crackpot misunderstanding of Darwinian evolution (whatever you think of Darwin and his ideas, the Nazis still misrepresented them and put them into action). It was also explicitly military-imperial in the sense of aiming for land conquest. Those two articles taken together made it an engine not just of Holocaust but of conquering other lands and ethnically cleansing them. It was a hierarchical semi-totalitarian dictatorship based on what they called the “Leader Principle” (Führerprinzip) for its organizational structure, which later adopted many elements of Italian Fascism, especially economically. It was also nationalist and socialist, that is national socialist (or, nationalist socialist, if you prefer), undeniably, self-consciously, and explicitly. There’s much else that gets a lot crazier. It isn’t surprising that it failed.

In the series, I repeatedly say that it is also a warning. The Nazi Experiment was a grand experiment in how to go about solving a set of national problems, and the result was as grand a catastrophe as any in history with the only possible exceptions being certain among Communist atrocities, for instance the Great Leap Forward or the horrendous brutalities of the Soviet Communists, including in their Eastern European and Southeast Asian satellites.

That is, seen as an experiment, the Nazi Experiment is a cautionary tale: NOT THAT WAY, WESTERN MAN!

Why Treat It as an “Experiment”?

I conceived of the Nazi Experiment in parallel to a more famous one that works: the American Experiment. That parallelism is deliberate and meant to be instructive. The American Experiment is a grand experiment in self-government. The Nazi Experiment was a catastrophic experiment in trying to force socialism to work through a racial-nationalist vision of unity that could bring people together enough to be socialist. It failed.

The point in calling it an “experiment” isn’t just to draw that important and valuable parallel, especially for an American audience I believe needs to see it. It’s also to gain enough critical distance from the experiment not to simply and blindly moralize about the thing. Without going into propagandizing or unjustly “humanizing” the Nazis, we can take a step back and consider the whole affair as an experiment in history-making, and we can then see that even in an analysis that takes into account the motivations the Nazis and their supporters might have had, the thing was still a catastrophe nearly without equal. That is, I call it an “experiment” so we’re better able to judge what a catastrophic failure it is.

Sadly, this kind of critical detachment is necessary today because a great deal of the propaganda we encounter, especially just in the last few years and largely targeting Western and especially American youth, is that the Nazis were actually given a bad shake in the telling of history. Sure, they were bad—or, maybe not, depending on the propagandist—but they’ve been erected irrationally into a kind of folk-Satan and apotheosis of human evil without even bothering to hear their side of the story.

When these propagandists do this, just like the Leftists before them, they do a kind of critical theory that causes people to wonder if they’ve been lied to about history all along. Maybe there is more to the story, and maybe we only heard it the way we did because powerful interests (“the Jews,” “Zionists,” and “Neocons”) don’t want us to hear the real truth because the real truth would set us free and reveal their own fraud. That is, they do this because it works.

The goal of the Nazi Experiment framing and series, then, is to take away that power by explaining the whole affair as a grand historical experiment that failed and then examining the specific contents of that experiment in their own words—and as those words lined up with their actions. While I agree that we should moralize against Nazis, we don’t have to in order to show how crackpot and deadly they were and that the causes of their failures were written into their program from the very beginning.

That’s the point of the Nazi Experiment series, but why did I do it (or, why am I doing it—I’m not exactly done)?

The Backstory—Why Am I Doing This?

Nearly two years ago, at the start of 2025, I felt compelled to turn my efforts against totalitarianism and the subversion of America in a new direction: against Nazism. Until that point, I had been able to largely ignore the Nazis as a part of the story I was working on for a few reasons.

First, I was focused on Communism, various types of Marxism, and the related globalist efforts I now know to be rightly called Mondialism. Those were quite enough to be getting on with, and I didn’t want to divert my focus or already committed energies.

In this commitment, I made a major error, which was regrettably within my range of historical understanding, although I didn’t act upon it. I knew both Fascism and National Socialism (Nazism, in particular) were reactionary derivatives to Communism, Marxism, and globalism. I knew that as surely as two follows one, Leftist incursion will generate these reactions. That brings me to the second reason, which is probably the most significant.Second, I overestimated my fellows, including my fellows in the conservative movement and my fellow Americans. Naively, while I held no such illusions about Marxism, I believed Nazism couldn’t happen here. I believed the bright line drawn after World War II and the Holocaust—the line called “Never Again”—was a kind of moral bedrock that could be taken for granted, especially from Americans. We might make mistakes; we might break bad; but we would never break that way. I was wrong.

In that naivete and overestimation of my fellows, I feel I bear some tremendous responsibility, though maybe not direct guilt. In fighting Leftism so vigorously, part of me knew the reaction would likely come. I saw it building, gaining strength and momentum, but still I believed in the bright line like a fool and pushed harder and harder against “the Left.” In that way, I helped create the conditions that were a cradle to the reaction and did too little about the people I saw working to generate it. Mea culpa! I didn’t know what we were capable of! I forgot how human we are! Even Americans! Mea culpa!

That is, I wrongly believed my fellows and my countrymen would never make this turn, try as the bad guys might to make it happen (and knowing they would), so I believed it unnecessary to research and expose it.

Third, least significant and last in this apology, I understood too well how it would be taken. To expose the Nazis in a time of rising Leftism would be treated as a betrayal and siding with “the Left” over “the Right.” I don’t think I stepped into this foolishness out of cowardice but just out of a strategic awareness that should have awakened my urgency instead of my hopes not to need it. Once you realize you cannot talk about something important because of the way it will be misrepresented to do so, you are already too late to start making your point and must, at once.

I have to confess one more point. For years, I’ve been saying a Nazi turn would come to the Woke agenda against our country, but I’ve never known how that would happen. I was saying occasionally that it would, as the record shows, but I never could figure out how. I realized somewhat vaguely that the more radical and “edgy” corners of the Christian Nationalist movement would be involved, but I still couldn’t see how it would happen. Even after October 7, 2023, when I was sure it was coming by the behavior I saw not just on the Left but from the darker corners of the Right, I still couldn’t see the vector.

My turn into realizing I could no longer ignore this ideology therefore did not arrive as early as it should have, but the story begins in earnest in the lead-up to the 2024 election. We all know what happened. Tucker Carlson produced a pre-election series of shows with so many of the lights of the conservative movement, ostensibly to help Trump get across the finish line. Just a few days before the first of these shows, which was held in Phoenix, Arizona, and which I almost attended but for a hiccup in my schedule (not to support Tucker, whom I’d already realized, but just to see), Tucker Carlson dropped the first of his “most infamous” pattycake interviews: the one with Darryl Cooper, also known as the podcaster “Martyr Made.” In this podcast, for which Tucker introduced him as America’s most honest amateur historian, Cooper did nothing short of a Nazi historiography and famously accused Winston Churchill, not Adolf Hitler, of being the “chief villain of World War II.”

As some can attest, I immediately recognized this as a move Tucker was making to force everyone on his coming tour to make a hard decision: step away from the guy who platformed a Nazi apologist and cast favorable light on him, or swallow it and step into that shady limelight. Every single personality, to a man and to a woman, took the stage and donned that taint. I’m sure it amused Tucker tremendously. That’s a lot of power.

It is true that the Nazi Experiment podcast series was conceived in part to answer the propaganda of Cooper and to take away some of his thunder: critical detachment to answer his humanization. That’s not all, though. In the months that followed, my own social media accounts started to be positively bombarded (especially in December 2024 through February 2025) with outright, overt pro-Nazi propaganda. Not soft-pedaled, ambiguous-enough stuff like Cooper was doing. Straight up glorification of Hitler, the Nazi Party and Nazi aesthetic, the SS, Hitler’s speeches rendered into English but in his voice with AI, and even the Holocaust. I was flooded with it, not in small part by accounts pretending to be young Americans that were actually controlled by Russia.

Simultaneously, I started to hear story after story from parents, especially of young American men 15 to 25. Their children, especially their boys, were being taken by this propaganda. I heard this first in a trickle and then in a steady stream, which is now a bit of a flood. I had to do something.

The Prequels to the Series

I did what I usually do: I started reading and telling people about what I was reading. I started reading a book I was recommended called Account Rendered: A Dossier on My Former Self, by former Nazi youth member Melita Maschmann. What I read in the beginning of that book horrified me in comparison to what I was seeing.

Pre-1: On January 20, 2025, I published a New Discourses Podcast episode that sets the stage for what was coming: “Welcome to the Two-Front War Against Woke.” This podcast has little to do with the Nazi Experiment series specifically but presages it by pointing out that the Woke problem is two-sided, Left and Right, and urgent, not just an academic affair. It wasn’t my first step into talking about the “Woke Right” on my podcast or elsewhere by any means, but it struck a new chord. This problem cannot be ignored.

Pre-2: As I progressed through Maschmann’s book for myself in private, I started telling the story that led to the Nazi Experiment series. A week later, on January 27, I published one reading from Maschmann directly. “America’s Sons and the Dark Temptation of the Woke Right” is still, in my opinion, one of the most important podcasts I’ve recorded, especially since this dark turn in the American right wing took place. It documents my thoughts at the time at what factors allowed for the radicalization of our young conservatives, at the time especially men, into such a dark ideology. It was at this point that I couldn’t deny that I would have to address Nazism in a major way, even though I realized it was already far too late.

Pre-3: Two days later, I published a private (paywalled) “James Lindsay OnlySubs” episode reading my first snippet from Maschmann. It’s not the foundation of her story. It’s a little story she tells about the power of prayer in the face of ideology: “Prayer and the Fearsome Power of Ideology.” I recorded this bit for my subscribers like a book club (and you can get that content too if you subscribe to New Discourses). The story here is one Maschmann tells in the middle of her account about where Nazi ideology is directly confronted with Jewish prayer in one of the brutal ghettoes. It’s an amazing story.

Pre-4: Just a few days after that, on February 3, I published another important episode, in my estimation, another landmark in the New Discourses Catalog: “Never Again Is Now.” Since I end every episode of the Nazi Experiment podcast series with that phrase, in some sense, this is the first solidly true distant ancestor of the series. It explains Maschmann’s point that what swept up so many young men and women such as herself—children of good, stable, conservative parents—into the Nazi youth movements was the professed love of Germany and edgy way to rebel against their parents socially and economically through nationalist socialism. These currents are undeniable in the American conservative movement’s youth today as well.

Pre-5: Two weeks after that, on February 17, I had finished Maschmann’s book and related the story she tells about how encounters with honest Christians and Jews finally helped her make her “inner break from National Socialism” twelve long years after the end of World War II, in 1957. She had been a Nazi for twenty-four years by that point. “The Road Away from Radicalization” shows the radical transformative power of Christianity and Judaism against the evils of ideological capture.

Pre-6: The Prequel.

On March 10, I released the first podcast bearing the words “Nazi Experiment” in the title and contents. I had no idea at this point that I would turn it into a series. I was still looking for the way to tell people about the realities of the Nazis, which I understood a person can obtain by doing what almost nobody bothers to do: reading Nazis, especially Adolf Hitler himself. To tell you the truth, I was afraid to record this episode, believing YouTube and other platforms would ban what I was aiming to do, which was to read Hitler to people.

Bearing the title “Woke Nationalism and the Nazi Experiment,” this podcast reads directly from a part of the second chapter (of Volume 1) of Hitler’s infamous Mein Kampf (reading the Ford translation, which is considered authoritative but a bit censored). That chapter explains how Hitler came to realize that Jews are not Germans, Germans are not Jews, that Marxists have techniques that work to gain power, and that Marxists and Jews are effectively the same thing. It’s the turning point in Hitler’s political thinking that is most relevant to everything that followed.

It also introduces the important idea of “Woke Nationalism,” which is the kind of nationalism I believe resides at the heart of Nazism and all nationalist socialism, and the wild idea that what the Nazis did could be considered an “Experiment,” as I described above. The idea for the whole series came into being with this podcast (and it successfully not being censored after publication). It actually took me three months—until June 2025—to realize it was the direction I should take. I had to do a lot of reading (mostly in Mein Kampf) to come to this conclusion.

Nevertheless, thus, the Nazi Experiment podcast series began.

The Nazi Experiment Podcast Series

The heart of the practical idea of the Nazi Experiment series is to read to my audience directly from Nazi sources—not about Nazis, from Nazis. Primarily, this means Adolf Hitler, and mostly from his two-volume set titled Mein Kampf, which means “My Struggle” in exactly the same way Communists use the word “struggle” and Islam uses the word “Jihad.” I want people to know what it, and they, say.

The series does not engage Mein Kampf in order, chapter by chapter. It skips around, telling parts of the story I think are relevant. It doesn’t stick to a single volume of the book but explores both, and it steps outside that source to present other Nazi sources.

Many people do not know much about Mein Kampf. They don’t realize it was written in two volumes in 1924 and 1925, mostly dictated while Hitler was in prison. The first volume is nothing short of an autoethnographical exploration of post-War (WWI) Germany in Hitler’s very colorful telling. That where he explains how he realized what all the problems in interwar Germany are and identifies them, chapter after chapter. The second volume mixes autoethnography with his outline of what the Nazi movement and Nazi Party should be and what it should believe. It is Hitler’s expression in mostly practical terms of what Nazi ideology is based on, what it’s about, and how it will do things.

Currently, the podcast series is in seventeen full volumes, not counting the prequel, with a few side episodes. It has also generated a spinoff series exploring the Reich’s chief ideologist’s insane book of Nazi ideology. Those episodes are separate but included below.

I don’t yet know if the series will end with the seventeen existing episodes or if I will add more. Certainly, I think I have said what I needed to say, but at the same time, I’m still reading and still learning. If something piques my interest enough, there will be more. As for the spinoff series, it most certainly is not done and will continue beyond those listed here. There will likely be at least one other spinoff series, or perhaps more than one, as well, so stay tuned.

Now I’ll turn to presenting each of the seventeen primary episodes and the side episodes of the Nazi Experiment podcast series on the New Discourses Podcast platform one by one, with summary and story for each.

The Prequel: “Woke Nationalism and the Nazi Experiment,” March 10, 2025

Volume 1: “The Nazi Racial Worldview,” June 13, 2025

Central to all of the Nazis ideas is a worldview. Hitler opens the second volume of Mein Kampf explaining what this worldview is and why it is the foundation stone of his entire project. That worldview, he explains, is the only thing that could answer the Marxist worldview, the liberal worldview, or other worldviews, and it will beat them, in his telling, because it is superior. Hitler’s worldview is, to use his own word as translated by Ford, “racialist.” The original in the German is Volkisch. A people is the foundation for a nation, and a people is a race. The whole Nazi Experiment depends on this idea, which is only one way to try to organize a nationalist socialism (it could instead be religious, for example, or political-cultural).

Perhaps alarmingly, one of the comments I received privately about this episode of the podcast some weeks after I released it read something like, “holy crap, I just listened to your Nazi Experiment podcast, and I realized I have been reading unattributed excerpts of Mein Kampf on X for months now.” Another friend documented at least thirteen unambiguous incidents in the chapter (and podcast) where themes from the text appear directly in right-wing discourse on social media and a further eight to ten more where they appear indirectly. I suppose this could be by accident, but it’s shocking all the same.

Volume 2: “Hitler’s Nazi Race Ideology,” July 14, 2025

In this second volume of the series, rather than going forward through the second volume of Mein Kampf, I go backwards in the text, to the eleventh chapter of the first volume. This chapter is the one that is the most directly virulent about Jews in the whole of both volumes combined, but more importantly, it is the one in which Hitler lays out how exactly he thinks race works and why it’s so important. Where the first volume in the series addresses the cornerstone of the Nazi ideology being a “racialist worldview,” this one explains how he thought about racialism in the first place.

Hitler’s view of race is best described as being (a) pseudo-Darwinian and (b) determinative. By pseudo-Darwinian, I mean he believes it to be the result of an evolutionary process that does not accurately match Darwin’s model (whatever you think of that, Hitler gets it wrong). He believes this backwards in time, justifying superior and inferior races, and forward in time, explaining the need to purify and strengthen the superior race(s) (particularly Nordic-German, or “Aryan”)—that is, he justifies eugenics. He spends a lot of time talking about how the mixing of races (miscegenation) always weakens the blood and the nation made up of it and how part of his goal is to purify (unmix) the German blood.

By “determinative,” I mean that Hitler believed the race determines one’s character and values. Character and values are located in the blood, so some races intrinsically have better ones while others have worse. We hear echoes of this nonsense today, especially from “race realist” circles. Further, mixing races always mixes character and confuses values, making deficient people in the most consequential way. A nation that has a highly purified superior, or even master race (Aryan), will therefore be destined to rule the world and advance humanity through all of its greatest challenges where no other race possibly could.

The result of these two views of race and racialism—again, at the cornerstone of the Nazi Experiment—is that Nazism can be summarized in a phrase that echoes Communist goals: seize the means of racial production. Since race is intentionally mutable and determinative, he who controls how race is produced controls the future and eventually the world. Hitler’s model of imperialism, discussed later, depends entirely on this idea. So does at least part of his drive to eliminate Jews from Europe completely, which became the Holocaust. Jews, of course, he explains in intriguing depth, are the worst race, which he says is proved by their allegedly demonstrated lack of creativity and, particularly, idealism.

The Bullet: “Introducing the Nazi Experiment,” July 21, 2025

As a part of the New Discourses family of podcasts, I produce a short-form podcast addressing a single subject or topic at a time called “New Discourses Bullets.” Because I believe the Nazi Experiment, as an idea and a frame for understanding it, is an idea that is worthy enough on its own, I did a “Bullet” podcast introducing that idea as well as the developing series, having no idea how far it would have gone over the course of another year. Since I explained the general idea of the “Experiment” above, I won’t repeat it here. This is a good, quick introduction to the topic, though, if you only have about twenty minutes.

Volume 3: “The Individual Nazi in the Nazi State,” August 1, 2025

Nazi ideology, which is ultimately Fascist-corporatist in structure (Woke Nationalist), and not in the economic sense of that term, talks a lot about the individual and his importance. That seems like a contradiction, but it is the same as in every totalitarian state. The individual cannot express himself fully except through his realization as a part of the whole. While Hitler appears to be more individualistic overall than his rival, Benito Mussolini, the Fascist dictator of Italy, his discussion of the meaning and importance of the individual to National Socialism still takes a similar form. The individual is, ultimately, a cell in the body of the nation (here, the Volk; or, the race), and his greatness as an individual is measured in terms of his greatness and contribution to his Volk and its aims. Hitler explains this idea in detail in the fourth chapter of the second volume of Mein Kampf, which is the subject of this volume in the series.

Hitler’s point, which is organizationally foundational to the Nazi Experiment, is that history is made by individuals doing great things, and in particular not by committees or democratic votes. Greatness is a matter of decision, and the best decisions are those that are self-sacrificial in service to the Volk. Thus the individual is elevated but only as a subject subsumed in the object of the people, incorporated in a nation and constituted of a race. This structure, even when not racialist, is foundational to the Woke Nationalist conception of being, the individual made to live in a particular society, to paraphrase Rousseau, whose idea is ultimately being expressed in a new form here.

Volume 4: “Nazi Worldview, Nazi Organization,” August 27, 2025

In this volume of the series, the story continues into the next chapter: chapter five of the second volume of Mein Kampf, “World Concept and Organization.” The point of this chapter, and episode, is to explain how the Nazi organizational structure, the Führerprinzip (“Leader Principle”), is itself based upon the Nazi racialist worldview. His point is that the movement must fight for prominence by promoting its own worldview as a basis, organizing according to it, and using it to defeat other worldviews, especially Marxism and liberalism.

In this chapter, Hitler introduces the idea of the twenty-five points of the Nazi Party Program, written in 1920, as being central to the Nazi Experiment in a peculiar way. Specifically, they cannot be deviated from or changed, even if they are not working. If they start to fail to work, he says, the meanings of their words should be changed in the minds of people, but they—according to these new meanings—must be rigidly followed. Thus Hitler introduces a curious idea central to the Nazi Experiment: the Nazi Experiment is never wrong, and it is to be executed according to whatever its leaders say it means. In this sense, the Nazi Experiment reveals its totalitarian nature, an indispensable feature of its organizing structure.

Volume 5: “Forty Points for the Nazi Party,” September 5, 2025

Building from the last volume in the series, in this one, I step both backwards and sideways by reading two things. First, I read the full text of the twenty-five points of the Nazi Party Program, as originally written in 1920 when the NSDAP was first formed. These are what Hitler said in Mein Kampf (volume 2, chapter 5) must never be deviated from, even if they aren’t working. They reveal the nationalist, socialist, and totalitarian character of the Nazi Party unambiguously.

Second, I read an additional fifteen points from Mein Kampf itself, specifically from the last chapter (twelve) of the first volume of the text. In that chapter, Hitler has outlined his grievances for eleven long chapters before that, summarizes them, and offers “fourteen plus one” (I think because he messed up) points for how to organize and structure a movement to solve the problem. This chapter, which incidentally was the one we rewrote in the Grievance Studies Affair, calls for solving the problems faced by interwar Germany, in Hitler’s view, and is the introduction to the second volume, which ultimately expresses the concrete idea of the Nazi Experiment.

There is simply no denying either of Hitler’s wild-eyed mania or the specific character and purposes of the Nazi movement after seeing these forty points for the organization of the Nazi Party. Reviews report that it is nothing short of eye-opening.

Volume 6: “Carl Schmitt and the Total State,” September 19, 2025

Here, I step aside from Mein Kampf and slightly out onto a limb. One of the judicial and legal philosophers who outlined justifications for the Nazi organizational state, particularly after it was incorporated, is the curious character of Carl Schmitt, who is more than a bit of a crank and a weirdo. He’s also arguably the most foundational philosopher for the Woke Right. Schmitt wrote a number of works, before he became a Nazi, while he was an active Nazi, after he was sidelined by the Nazis but still kind of Nazi, and after the Nazi regime collapsed, though he never recanted (and dodged having his own Nuremberg trial). That makes him difficult to summarize (and worthy of a spinoff series I haven’t endeavored). Several of these works written while he was actively a Nazi from 1933–1937 are fervent, ardent, and reflective justifications, if not bases, for Nazi judicial policy.

In some sense, Schmitt’s most important work was done before he was a Nazi and after he wasn’t (totally) one anymore. Before his Nazi years—indeed while he was opposed in most ways to their movement—he wrote a silly book on his thoughts on dictatorship that is regarded as rather important (based on misunderstanding Abraham Lincoln, mostly), a bizarre book on what he calls “political theology” that is partially based on the French reactionary Joseph deMaistre (another Woke Right favorite) and foundational to his thoughts on political organization and political sovereignty, and his most famous book, The Concept of the Political (1932), in which he argues that politics is foundationally the war of allies against an enemy declared by a legitimate sovereign.

Later, after he was sidelined and then after the regime collapsed, he wrote two strange books about esoteric geopolitics based on Halford John Mackinder’s ideas, both of these as well as Mackinder’s work being foundational to the infamous geopolitics of the Russian weirdo esoteric philosopher Aleksandr Dugin, who is likely the second most important philosopher to most of the Woke Right. These are Land and Sea, written as a sidelined Nazi, and Nomos of the Earth, written about a decade after the regime fell apart. These aren’t the point here, but they can’t be totally ignored in the bigger picture (hence being potentially worthy of inclusion in their own spinoff).

As you can see, Schmitt was a busy guy, and I tried to touch on a lot of that here, especially his pre-Nazi work. He’s very difficult to summarize, even if you organize it according to the “three Schmitts” model outlined above. This volume of the series focuses on “second Schmitt,” taking me out on a limb with an imperfect AI translation of an essay he wrote early in his Nazi years called “The Legal Basis for the Total State” (which I was unable to find anywhere in English but did find in German in a funny Gothic font). In that essay, Schmitt makes not only his complete devotion to Hitler and National Socialism obvious, but he also explains why the Nazi political structure is legally sound and superior legally to other models. Were Schmitt not pretty debased already on his own, it would represent a complete debasement.

The point of this essay to the Nazi Experiment, aside from introducing Schmitt to the story, is illustrating how the Nazi organizational structure was justified legally. That organizational structure is a large part of what made the Nazi Experiment what it was, from the Führerprinzip to the friend-enemy distinction to decisionism to political theology to even the geopolitical ideas of land versus sea, which Hitler had at least a rudimentary and functional understanding of. Imperfections of the translation aside (as found ruthlessly by unfriendly eyes later), the thrust of the work is clear, as is its applicability to the Nazi Experiment.

Volume 7: “The Nazi Rejection of Paperwork Germans,” September 29, 2025

Part of the point of the Nazi Experiment series is unabashedly to reveal close parallels between the contents of the Nazi Experiment itself and the machinations of the present-day Woke Right movement that simply isn’t distant enough from it. This volume in the series makes that clear. In it, I read the very short third chapter of the second volume of Mein Kampf in full alongside an essay written by an undeniably Woke Right man (or operator) presenting himself as “Auron MacIntyre,” which is not his real name, published by his flagship at The Blaze (founded by but not longer run by, in any sense, Glenn Beck). This very short chapter describes Hitler’s ideas about citizenship in the Third Reich.

His point is that citizenship is racial, of course. Birthright citizenship and, worse, paperwork citizenship (naturalization of a foreigner) are not legitimate bases for citizenship in the Reich because those people cannot by either act be made German (racially). Only Germans (racially) can be German (nationally). After mocking both birthright citizenship and naturalization, he insists that part of the Nazi Experiment will be making subjects, not citizens, of all non-Germans and deporting them to the countries where they belong if they don’t like it. At the start of the chapter, he notes this won’t necessarily always be possible because some peoples (namely Romani and Jewish—or, “Jews and Gypsies” more crudely, though Hitler doesn’t name them in any respect) don’t have a home state to be sent to. That will be the three-tiered citizenship program of Nazi Germany: German citizens, other subjects, and foreigners.

The primary purpose of this volume in the series is not to merely present Hitler’s ideas about citizenship, subject, and foreigner status but to let it make the obvious comparison to the narratives and rhetoric presently being pushed into our own current debates by the Woke Right. “Auron MacIntyre’s” (nhrn) essay on “Paperwork Americans” not being real Americans, is, at least in places, concerningly similar. (There is no accusation being made here that “Auron” (nhrn) got his idea directly or even indirectly from Hitler or the Nazis; I do not know this, nor do I claim it. These ideas are just undeniably in parallel, which could have arisen just by thinking about the similar subject in similar ways.)

It’s genuinely disturbing, as most of the episodes in this podcast series show quite plainly, how much Woke Right rhetoric, now widely popular on the American Right, especially with its younger cohorts, directly echoes or even reproduces themes both central and peripheral to the Nazi Experiment.

Volume 8: “Carl Schmitt’s Politics and the Nazi State,” October 20, 2025

Here we return to (“second”) Carl Schmitt, during his unabashed Nazi years. In 1936, Schmitt wrote a short but rather intense essay simply called “Politics” which can leave no doubt whatsoever that during that time his politics were unabashedly Nazi. His justifications for the Nazi Experiment simply cannot be denied, neither can his use of his own pre-Nazi-era concepts, like the friend-enemy distinction, sovereign dictatorship, and sovereign political decisionism (for Schmitt: the idea that individual decision-makers are the crucial elements of political activity, not normative systems like rule of law). He just lays it all out.

The necessity of this volume of the series, aside from providing yet another glimpse into the internal structure and logic of the Nazi Experiment as a political program, is again to combat Woke Right propaganda directly in the words of the relevant characters. It is a key article of the Schmittian Woke Right that Carl Schmitt’s time as a Nazi is completely irrelevant to the quality and worth of his ideas, if not irrelevant more broadly. Indeed, they treat it is distinctly out-of-bounds and unfair to raise the issue at all. With this short essay, however, Schmitt smashes raw egg all over their faces. Schmitt’s time as a Nazi isn’t tangential to his ideas or his person. The very same ideas are central to his justifications of the Nazi Experiment.

Volume 9: “The Centrality of the Jewish Question,” November 14, 2025

It is sometimes denied that the Jewish Question, roughly “Why are Jews?”, is not central but peripheral to the Nazi Experiment. This is asinine. It’s also historically completely illiterate. The best source material for that fact would be Nazis themselves, like Adolf Hitler. This volume of the series makes that undeniable.

It begins with Hitler’s infamous address to the Reichstag on January 30, 1939, as he prepared to make the moves that would start World War II (this is not his September 1, 1939, Reichstag speech declaring war on Poland and officially starting the war). In that essay, he declares himself a prophet and declares that the Jews of Europe and internationally are by their actions initiating another great war. That is, he projects the blame for the world war he’s about to start on Jews using antisemitic conspiracy logic as his falsely “defensive” justification. Thus, we learn from Hitler himself that in the lead-up to his own launching of World War II, Jews and the Jewish Question, let’s say, were on his mind. Contra some propaganda about these facts, this speech was given months before he started World War II, not as some emergency contingency of the war as it started to go bad for him over five years later.

But this wasn’t a late invention or necessity of circumstance even in the late 1930s. In 1919, before the NSDAP even formally existed, while working as a new member (the seventh member to join) of the DAP (German Workers Party) that preceded it, Hitler wrote a letter recorded by history in which he explains his ambition is nothing less than the total removal of all Jews from Europe. He might not have been planning to kill all of them if he could, which he probably was thinking twenty years later in 1939, but central to the very first organizational thoughts that even preceded the formation of National Socialism was the idea that it should be organized around “solving” the Jewish Question.

The lies we are told about this issue are unbelievable, truly. All you need to know that are the words of the guys themselves. It’s all there.

Volume 10: “Blood, Soil, and the Racial State,” November 26,

This volume of the series is a special one in terms of the story of the series itself. In those three months between when I first articulated the idea of a “Nazi Experiment” and when I started recording this series, I started re-reading Mein Kampf. In fact, I hadn’t ever done more than skim the second volume, so I set to reading it while re-reading parts of the first. When I initially read the first chapter of the second volume, which is the source material for volume one of the series, above, I didn’t think it was nearly as interesting or important as it is (this often happens until the second or third time I read something like this, and it shocked me the second time through and became the first volume of the series). When I read this chapter, though, which is very long, I knew at least the first half of it would be, in some sense, the most important one, if not the point. Listeners haven’t necessarily agreed on that, but I found it so shocking and important to share that it is definitively this part of this chapter that led me to decide to make this series.

The chapter, titled simply “The State,” is very long and essentially has two main parts. The first of these parts discusses what the Nazi state will be organized to do. What’s the point of the damned thing? The second part (which I have not made into an episode, yet) describes how the young will be educated and prepared for Nazi citizenship. Very alarming points are made throughout, including Hitler’s vision to sterilize the mentally and physically unfit and to practice eugenics, which is given in parallel to rantings about purifying the blood. It’s truly an alarming read.

As the title of the episode hints, the Nazi state will exist to enforce the Nazi ideology and leadership structure into all aspects of society and to force it upon all citizens. He starts with a lengthy critique of the wrong kinds of states (and politicians), especially liberal ones filled with politicians just chasing the next election (consent of the governed) instead of grand ideals (like the elimination of Jews and racial purification of his people). He then gives his own vision for how a state should work, in line with everything suggested above (and below). The foundations of “blood and soil” (Blut und Boden) are also given their proper place as the foundational objects of the state, people, and ideology.

Above all, the idea in this chapter that led me to do this series in the first place is Hitler’s clear and unambiguous statement that the reason a state exists at all is to protect and advance the race (which ultimately includes purifying it through eugenic practices). He says this perfectly explicitly: “the state’s primary task is the preservation and improvement of the race.” The reason he gives for this is because the race is the basis for all human development, which he says is a fact obscured from mankind by “the Jew, Karl Marx.” It’s an incredible read.

So, this message was the raison d’etre for this podcast series, which has led to much fruitful research into this large and ugly branch of totalitarian thinking ever since.

Bonus Episode: “Dietrich Eckhart’s Jewish–Dialectic,” January 16, 2026

Dietrich Eckhart was initially Hitler’s political mentor as he got involved in the German Worker’s Party (DAP), which later became the NSDAP. As recorded in The Third Reich Sourcebook, Eckhart had some very strange ideas about racial ideology that Hitler would have absorbed and at least considered, though he ultimately saw things differently. In this bonus episode of the series, tucked behind a paywall on the subscribers-only “OnlySubs” product (you should subscribe!), we look into his weird view that the Jew and the Aryan intrinsically need each other for mutual definition in the world.

What this short little sidebar to the series begins to demonstrate is something many people are at least vaguely aware of but vastly underestimate in its importance—or treat foolishly and inaccurately. That is, the Nazis were frequently mystical in their beliefs, which, to me, bears important lessons about the utter failure of their Experiment. Eckhart, here, shows one way that mystical racial thinking had seeped deeply into the Nazi firmware, even from its very earliest beginnings. (It’s not all just conspiracy theories; there’s downright crackpottery in there too, kids!)

As we see both here and will see more of later (and who knows how far this ride will go before I stop), it’s important and fair to recognize that the Nazis were not consistently mystical. That is, some prominent and influential Nazis believed this stuff while others believed other veins of mysticism, and other than a certain mysticism about the relevance of the blood, there seems not to be any single consistent mysticism that would define Nazism. In fact, it’s not even clear how much, or what, mysticism Hitler himself subscribed to, at least not to my level of research, though the answer must surely be more than none, despite his primary habit of hedging toward the practical. Therefore, while it is fascinating to explore mysticism within the Nazis and their thinkers and leadership, it would not be accurate to say that Nazism as an ideological system had developed a single consistent and coherent mystical approach.

Volume 11: “Dictatorship by Reichstag Fire,” January 30,

Hitler ran a dictatorship. Everyone knows that, but in terms of understanding the Nazi Experiment, it is crucially important to understand its central role in the program. The Nazi Experiment was, as much as it was an experiment in whether or not Race-National Socialism can work, among other things, also an experiment testing absolute dictatorship in yet another way. A primary point of this volume of the series is making that point: you cannot understand the Nazi Experiment without understanding that dictatorship is part of the program.

This volume reads a collection of snippets from The Third Reich Sourcebook rather than from Mein Kampf, outlining how the emergency situation of the famous Reichstag Fire in 1933 is what propelled the Nazis to power on an anti-Marxist propaganda push and, within weeks, rendered Adolf Hitler its dictator through the infamous “Enabling Act.” The presentation discusses the parallels to both Covid-19 and post-January-Sixth (2021) emergency moves and frames it in terms of the “schizophrenic discomfort” that can suddenly allow for the emergence of a dictator, which may have seemed completely unthinkable even just months or weeks before it happens.

Volume 12: “Positive Christianity as the “Christian Nationalism” of the Third Reich,” March 6,

The Nazis had an official religion, and it wasn’t quite Christian. Of course, in reality, it was Nazism, but they had a problem to overcome: almost all Germans were believing or at least nominally Christian. A third of Germans were Catholic, and two thirds were Protestant, with less than one percent of the population being anything else, in the early 1930s, and they weren’t about to just swap out their religions for Nazism. Christianity had to be accommodated and used.

In point twenty-four of the twenty-five points of the Nazi Party Program from 1920, something called “Positive Christianity” was declared to be the religion for the Reich. This was to include either Catholic or Protestant Christianity and to focus, as was a current of thought in German Christianity already, on the “positive” aspects of Jesus’ life and ministry, as opposed to “negative” (or passive) ones like being the Lamb of God. The trouble was, this quasi-religious object didn’t have specific content, and it would need to be filled in.

Chief ideologist of the Reich, Alfred Rosenberg, supplied the concept, narrative, plan, and program by 1930. Positive Christianity would be a Nazified pseudo-Christianity eventually positioning Jesus as an Aryan who resisted Jewish power in the Levant and Hitler as a prophet supplying a new revelation, but this would be vaguely taught as a kind of “bridge faith” to take Christians off real Christianity and eventually onto Nazism. As we’ll see below, this model resoundingly criticized both Catholicism and Protestant Christianity, solidifying its programmatic use to move Christians from a real faith to a fake, ersatz one.

In this volume of the series, I explore the introduction to a book about Positive Christianity written by a pastor, Cajus Fabricus, who didn’t seem to have the whole message of what it was about. It is, in a sense, the Nazi version of Christian Nationalism, complete with the pastor pushing it not knowing what he was really putting his weight behind. Positive Christianity is a strange but important part of the religious program of the Nazi Experiment with undeniable echoes to the situation today.

A Relevant Aside: “Introducing Woke Nationalism,” March 25, 2026

As indicated a few times above, part of the engine of the Nazi Experiment is something I refer to as Woke Nationalism. In short, Woke Nationalism means being Woke with regard to a nation regarded as a collective; that is, in a collectivist sense. In this episode of the New Discourses Podcast, which is technically not part of the Nazi Experiment series, I develop that idea for people, including comparing it to and contrasting it against the usual “Leftist” Woke phenomenon we’re more familiar with.

Volume 13: “The Nazi Myth of the Blood,” April 20, 2026 (Hitler’s birthday)

The Nazi ideology was weirder than people really know—although to be fair this is a slightly fraught statement to make so definitively. It’s fraught because it’s not clear how widely ordinary Nazis or even Nazi leadership believed some of the weirder stuff, but it was certainly written about, organized, and taught throughout the Reich and recognized by the leaders. While it’s not clear how much of this or other strange approaches were believed, it is not contested to say that Alfred Rosenberg, who also organized Positive Christianity, was the chief ideologist of the Third Reich and wrote an extensive and organized treatment of what the Nazi ideology was meant to entail on a deeper, more metaphysical level.

The book he recorded these ideas in is called The Myth of the Twentieth Century, and it is the elaborate “Nordic” and “Aryan” mythology that was somewhere near the heart of Nazism, even if, as Melita Maschmann reported, most young Germans though it was preposterous when they were taught about it. The myth that was supposed to be defining of the twentieth century, for Rosenberg and the Nazis, is called “the myth of the blood,” which is effectively a mythological mystification of most of Hitler’s core beliefs about the racialist worldview. Without getting into too much detail about how weird it is, Rosenberg more or less starts this treatment off by saying the Nordic master race from which the German Aryans were descended comes from Atlantis.

This volume of the Nazi Experiment series introduces Rosenberg’s ideology much more directly than the light treatment it got in the previous episode about Positive Christianity. It reads directly from the first (very long) chapter of The Myth of the Twentieth Century and explains the so-called “myth of the blood” and its relevance to giving mystical, mythological, pseudo-religious foundations to the pseudo-scientific ones touted by Hitler himself. It also serves as the “prequel” volume to a spinoff “Myth of the Blood” podcast series, detailed below, taking listeners through The Myth. At the least, it’s a peculiar look into the deeper end of the strange pool that is the Nazi Experiment.

Volume 14: “Germany Is Not an Economic Zone,” May 8, 2026

Again, we have a volume in this series directly confronting Woke Right propaganda parallels of today while also setting up another important discussion given in a subsequent episode. Here, in our time, we have a running narrative about America that our current “liberal” or “neoliberal” or “free trade” economic system merely regards America as an “economic zone” instead of a nation of people in a place with lives, priorities, children, and futures. “America is not an economic zone,” say, like NAFTA, would be the argument. The Nazi Experiment was partially built on the fact that Hitler thought similarly about interwar Germany.

This volume in the series explores part of the fourth chapter of the first volume of Mein Kampf, where Hitler reflects on the lessons of coming to Munich and discusses a key choice at the center of the Nazi Experiment: would Germany settle into being an economic partner in a broader European and Western economic system—an economic zone—or would it establish itself as a Reich; that is, an empire. Hitler chose the latter. Therefore, the Nazi Experiment is partially founded on the idea not just of National Socialism, but of becoming an autarkic (economically self-sufficient) land-based empire, which clearly sows the seeds that would fruit in 1939 of marching east into Poland and starting the Second World War. A point to stress is that Hitler was clear-eyed about this ambition when writing Mein Kampf’s first volume fifteen years earlier, in 1924.

Volume 15: “Hitler’s Land Equity Argument for Lebensraum,” May 22, 2026

Key also to the Nazi Experiment was the justification for building that autarkic land empire: Lebensraum, living space. Hitler gave this argument in the fourth chapter of the first volume of Mein Kampf a full fifteen years before marching on Poland and starting World War II in fall of 1939. His argument was based, perhaps unsurprisingly, in the idea of “equity,” as our neo-Marxist Left would see it today. Basically, the Germans were a great people who didn’t have enough land for their needs, while inferior people’s have more, therefore the Germans deserve more (and will therefore eventually take it).

The Nazi Experiment, in other words, always included the idea of conquering other land, perhaps all of Europe, including the land west of the Urals, which is European Russia. In this chapter, he goes through a number of possibilities for avoiding what amounts to a Malthusian population catastrophe and concludes that Germany’s only real option is to build an empire by going east, eventually through Poland and the rest into Russia. The Germans were simply owed such a thing. Of course, it is precisely this core view of the Nazi Experiment that created World War II and its untold damages and countless dead (but not, contra the propaganda out there today from people like Darryl Cooper, the Holocaust; he wanted to do something like that anyway).

Volume 16: “What Hitler Got Right, Wrongly,” June 26, 2026

Hitler hated democracy. Hitler really hated parliaments. As discussed earlier in the series, an intrinsic part of the Nazi Experiment is that Hitler ran a dictatorship, but his rejection of democracy and parliaments was unbelievably vicious. Less in the case of democracies—properly organized in democratic republics like the United States—Hitler’s criticism of parliaments, though very polemical and extreme, gets an awful lot right, just wrongly. He presents this argument in the third chapter of Mein Kampf’s first volume, recollecting what he learned from his time in Vienna as a young man (interestingly at roughly the same time Joseph Stalin was there doing approximately the same things).

That is, Hitler gets his criticism of parliaments right, wrongly, seeing them as intrinsically irresponsible governing bodies filled with cowards and craven scoundrels—all for structural reasons defining of parliaments. His solution is to reject them outright, embrace Schmittian decisionism, and favor dictatorship as a solution. This volume of the series tracks this trenchant but over-the-top argument.

Put more plainly still, Hitler’s solution to the problem he sees with parliaments is simply wrong. The United States, which he frequently points to, often approvingly on certain points, offers a different model. While reading this chapter and recording this podcast, as a result, I have rarely been happier and prouder to be an American. Our system blends executive decision power in our president with two other co-equal and divided branches of government, only one of which functions like a (bicameral) parliament and with its powers restricted to legislating, not to direct governance. Hitler, thus the Nazi Experiment, got a point right about certain systems of government, but they failed the test and picked a losing model even though a winning one was clearly available. It’s an interesting contrast that Americans should find inspiring and citizens of parliamentary systems (like Canada, the U.K., and Germany today) should find concerning, if not terrifying.

Volume 17: “Hitler at His Point,” August 31, 2026

In 1928, three years after he wrote the second volume of Mein Kampf, Hitler wrote another book that was never published within his lifetime. The publisher of Mein Kampf recognized that now-infamous book generally as a failure and rejected what was, in some sense, Hitler’s third volume. It therefore bore, and still bears, the title of “Hitler’s Secret Book,” and, if it had been the third volume of Mein Kampf would have been its shortest, at just over 100 pages. Hitler saw it as his book of foreign policy. The book primarily rehashes, in even more ranting form, his arguments for Lebensraum and a European land empire as a foreign policy that supports and enables his people as his Volk.

Near the middle of this “secret” book is a very short chapter (the fifth), just one page long, that claims to articulate foreign policy while dedicating only about a short paragraph to discussing it at all. This chapter puts Hitler at his point. Point here is a little bit of a pun for my series too. While I’m not sure whether I’ll end the series here or continue with it, I could. It’s like a punctuation mark at the end of a long clause, perhaps a comma, but maybe the final period.

It covers three things for all its brevity. It opens with a declaration of Hitler’s vision and intentions. With some interstitial explanation, it could be summarized by, “I am a nationalist; I am a socialist; I am a National Socialist.” It then discusses the point, in broad strokes, of both domestic and foreign policy in serving a Volk, in some sense summarizing what had come up to that point. Both are meant to serve the Volk. In foreign policy particularly, this means, as Hitler makes clear by implication, conquering neighboring lands and expropriating their current inhabitants to make room for racial Germans. It finishes by explaining something chilling that pulls us back to where we started the whole series: Hitler acknowledges that adults in the “national bourgeoisie” (that is, mostly established conservative Germans) will not go for his ideas at all and will consider them “monstrous,” but their children will. He dedicates the project with a final two-word paragraph to the chapter: “For them.”

Thus we see what Hitler is really all about, or mostly, and in fairly low resolution. He is a nationalist; he is a socialist; and he is a National Socialist. The Nazi Experiment is one of making racial nationalist socialism work, and it failed. He endeavors to establish an empire by conquest and to kill, enslave, or expropriate everyone who isn’t “racially German,” in line with his statement that the whole purpose of the whole affair is to “preserve and advance the race.” He recognizes that older people with something to lose won’t readily join his movement, but their children will. I have been advised not to say “Hitler was a groomer,” so I guess I won’t and will just say he knew what he was doing, on purpose.

This, possibly final, episode of the Nazi Experiment series therefore encapsulates a few key points that characterize the Nazi Experiment, though the full horror and weirdness requires getting beyond this and into the details, many of which have been outlined in the two dozen or so episodes listed above.

At any rate, I’m still reading, and some messages will be pertinent to share, so stay tuned. In the meantime, there will be spinoffs.

The Myth of the Blood Spinoff Series

As noted above in Volume 13 of the Nazi Experiment series, the 1930 book The Myth of the Blood by Hitler’s chief ideologist, Alfred Rosenberg, is so important and crazy as to have necessitated a spinoff series to explore it. This series, unlike the main one, is certainly unfinished as of this writing because I’m only halfway through the text of the book at this point myself (it is well over 600 pages). It is also likely to spawn its own spinoff series exploring the even more foundational book to Nazi belief and ideology, Houston Stewart Chamberlain’s The Foundations of the Nineteenth Century, upon which it is based. I have not yet begun reading that book (which is over 900 pages).

This spinoff series carries the title of Rosenberg’s central Nazi myth, which is “The Myth of the Blood.” So far as I have read, the book accomplishes many things, the first of which is to give a broad romantic mythology for the German “Nordic” race and to ground it in a pseudo-scientific, mystical mythology of the centrality of blood to person, character, and nation. As noted above, it begins with a belief that the superior “Nordic” race ultimately arose from Atlantis, which was either real and lost or fictional but real enough to be getting on with. The Atlantis of the Nordic race is located somewhere, allegedly in the hyperborean North (within the Arctic Circle) and is dedicated to a peculiar form of sun worship. Upon this mythical construct, Rosenberg opens his 1930 tome with an appeal that learning has progressed so far as to demand all of history be rewritten—specifically, it should be rewritten around his crackpot myth.

After establishing in an exceptionally long first chapter what the Myth of the Blood entails, in quite sweeping and insane terms, and providing a long bogus historiography of the Nordic (or Aryan, after Persia) race throughout Europe, Asia, and the Middle East, Rosenberg launches into a long condemnation of the Catholic Church as being the cause of the ruin of empires and Europe, against which only the Germans could even partially prevail. He then, though less intensely, condemns Protestantism for being poisoned by its own hand by embracing Jewish themes and elevates German mysticism serving the Myth of the Blood as the true religion of the Nazis. This mysticism he locates primarily in the thirteenth and fourteenth-century Dominican friar, who was an untried heretic, Johannes Eckhart. An entire bizarre chapter is dedicated to Eckhart and German mysticism, which Rosenberg insists is at least partly Luciferian but not Satanic (Jews are Satanic, of course).

The purpose of this book, which is also where he gives some exposition and development of Positive Christianity, in my opinion (so far), is not only to provide the Nazi “religion” but also to establish the path by which genuine Christians, both Catholic and Protestants, will be taken from their genuine faith onto the Nazi counterfeit and then beyond to Nazism itself. That is, this book is the Nazis’ River Styx, and Rosenberg assumes the ignoble role of Charon to ferry Christians into ideological Hell. Thus the presentation of a new religious basis for belief, the framing of it in ways attached to certain Christian heresies, and the direct criticisms of the extant forms of Christianity as having missed the German point and suppressed or contaminated it.

Because this book is so peculiar and interesting on its own, providing strange insights into the Nazi ideological universe, I undertook to create a spinoff podcast series to share it with the world. The whole project should be understood for its relevance and for its necessary grain of salt, though. For one thing, this book was considered perhaps second in importance within the circles of Nazi intelligentsia only to Mein Kampf and was recognized by Hitler as such in 1937, though never given status as official Nazi canon. It was also the second most-commonly owned book in Nazi Germany and was a cornerstone textbook for the education of the youth and others into Nazi beliefs. On the other hand, as Melita Maschmann pointed out directly in Account Rendered, most rank-and-file Nazis didn’t believe it, and a lot of the younger ones made fun of it, at least in secret. Hitler himself, in fact, refused to give it full pride of place in the Nazi canon because, as he privately but never publicly expressed, it is full of “mystical nonsense.” Hitler, for all his own strange and mystically founded beliefs, whatever those were, was far more pragmatic than this sorcery.

The bizarre book is therefore a kind of Nazi curio; definitely important but not to be overstated in its impact. My belief is that Rosenberg believed and maybe hoped that with enough time through enough generations, perhaps the Reich would come to believe it as an official religious doctrine. We can conclude with certainty that this transformation was not possible in the twelve years they had in the attempt, however. In reality, as the Soviets learned the hard way, Christianity is a lot stickier than totalitarian lunatics tend to respect, and in reality, had the Experiment gone on long enough, it would have been forced to adopt some hybrid for most of the population that was extremely heavy on the Christian elements under the doctrine of Positive Christianity. That is, most of the people, even in the long run of history, had that been available, would have stayed on Rosenberg’s lunatic “bridge” between Christianity and full-blown Nazism.

In this regard, the first of potentially several spinoff series to the Nazi Experiment series was born, and its first episode, it’s “prequel,” exists in Volume 13 of the above. The first official volume of the Myth of the Blood series, below, assumes the listener is at least passingly familiar with that earlier volume.

The Myth of the Blood Podcast Series

Before getting to the five (additional) specific episodes of the Myth of the Blood podcast series, I want to talk about the framing and purpose I’m giving to the series itself. Again, it kind of approaches the topic with the attempt to understand the Nazis where they were, though without humanizing them or giving them too much credit for the crazy and awful beliefs.

To do this, I’m trying to locate the Nazis in time in not just interwar Germany but also in the tectonic forces of that time. Rosenberg published this book in 1930 and, no doubt, developed its ideas through the 1920s, based in other ideas, most notably Houston Stewart Chamberlain’s The Foundations of the Nineteenth Century. That book, by the way, was vigorously praised by Hitler directly, so much so that it is rumored he kept a copy nearby all the time he wasn’t out and about in the world. Some rumors even suggest that he kept a copy on his nightstand by his bed. I will probably have more to say about the framing for this series after I read that book, but that effort remains over the horizon.

What I do know about are some major currents in world events and developments that are relevant in the 1920s and 1930s that likely give setting to this weird book. Primarily among these, to me, are (1) the development and maturation of the natural sciences, especially that they had advanced but hadn’t yet matured; (2) a sweeping but displaced spiritualism and mysticism that combined many elements traditional, pseudo-scientific (per the previous), and exotic (like Theosophical spins on Eastern mysticism) that late colonialism had brought to Europe; and (3) the absolute cataclysm of the Great War (World War I) and its impacts on interwar Germany and its national psyche, in particular.

The way I see the Myth of the Blood is as a half-baked, self-serving pseudo-scientific mythology meant to serve as a therapeutic balm for the injured and humiliated German national psyche. The underlying message is that the Germans are still actually great, despite appearances, impositions, and recent events, and should see themselves as singular historical actors who the world misunderstands. I have come to suspect that in some ways, all “fascistic” totalitarian ideologies (Woke Nationalist) likely work in this capacity: an ideological and deeply pseudo-intellectual therapeutic for a humiliated sense of national self. This includes weird post-Soviet Russian ideologies, like those spun by Aleksandr Dugin, as well as the Woke Right “Heritage American” and “Christian Nationalist” obsessions in the U.S. today.

The fact is that the natural sciences mostly matured in the century that evenly splits the nineteenth and twentieth—that is, between 1850 and 1950. That means in the 1920s, they had matured a great deal but not all the way, and they had matured enough to have displaced or at least unsettled a lot of earlier religious, mystical, and spiritual beliefs without reaching final clarity. Thus, it was a time of mass belief in totally weird stuff, such that Rosenberg would feel the need to open his book by declaring that the learning of the age had reached a point to where all of history had to be rewritten in terms of it. What he then offers is a pseudo-intellectual (pseudo-scientific, pseudo-historical) account of people that self-aggrandizes his own Volk.

In particular among these scientific developments sits Darwin’s theory of evolution by natural selection, which clearly the Nazis, like all Progressive eugenicists of the era, fundamentally misunderstood and applied in a disastrous way. The Nazis used Darwinian ideas to believe over-deterministically in the power of racial genetics and over-positively in their abilities to do eugenic science that would, on the basis of the Myth of the Blood, recover the master race that would rightly rule the world. They also misunderstood Darwin (whatever you think of him). Darwin’s theory is not, in fact, survival of the superior but survival of the fittest—an easy mistake to make, especially for a humiliated psyche looking to recover its pride. “Fittest” means most able to fit within and exploit a niche in an environment, not most capable of conquering foes or building a particular kind of civilization by particular means based on particular values. Thus, the times were awash with pseudo-science, including biological and racial pseudo-science, and the Nazi Experiment adopted a great deal of this to catastrophic effects.

Secondly, there was a great opening of the mind to mystical ideas that came from other places, likely partly due to the above plus Progressivism and partly due to the late-stage effects of colonialism (including travel to and from the Orient), and The Myth of the Twentieth Century seems to try to incorporate these and ground them in a master mythology that explains them all. Thus, Rosenberg looks to the Indian civilization with its caste system, the Persian civilization with its high Sun God Ahura Mazda, elements of the early Greek and Roman civilizations, and to the Nordic, or Germanic, or European, Teutonic, Norse civilization as stemming all from one master race with a master value that builds master civilizations: the ancient, but now contaminated, Nordic race, which in Persia was known as Aryan.

These he contrasts against lesser “southern” systems that ultimately either contaminated or corrupted the Nordic foundation as it spread, conquered, established, and eventually intermarried and mixed philosophies. The Indians, for example, were laid low by Atman-Brahman, the idea that each individual soul (Atman) is an image of the totality (Brahman). Each other ancient civilization, made good and strong and civilized by the Nordic diaspora and leadership, fell to its own devices and other contaminants: Persian, Greek, Roman, European. The Levantine-Syrian and African races and cultures, in particular, were major contaminants, and most of all the Jews, who were a parasitical race of no creative culture who took much of what they had from the Africans and Persians while in captivity and perverted it in their own strange way. Their “Syrian-African” derivatives in Christianity are cast as the downfall of Nordic strength in Rome and Europe.

Rosenberg’s myth therefore uses this master-mysticism to revitalize the humiliated German national psyche and give it a sacred historical mission: the restoration of the master race and its race-protective policies, thus right governance of the world to the benefit of all. His claim is that among the different post-Nordic civilizations—Indian, Persian, Roman, Greek, European—the Europeans, and especially the Germans, have the highest proportion of the original racial stock, as is proved by their development of the highest culture in the world.

Thirdly, the cataclysm of the Great War sits at the bottom of the whole affair. Nothing like that overwhelming horror had ever been seen, or could have been believed, before it happened, and, worse, nobody was quite sure why it had happened to begin with. Mechanized war with tanks, bombs, machine guns, not to mention chemical and biological weapons, represented such a departure from humanity itself that the world, not just interwar Germany, was in shock. The Germans, who not only lost the war but who were blamed for it and its monstrosities, were hardest hit, not entirely for bad reasons, but not entirely fairly either. The circumstances in interwar Germany were so difficult and horrendous that the shock to the human psyche and to the German national psyche in particular was multiplied and compounded.

As I stated above, this humiliation of the German national psyche is the ultimate basis for the need for a therapeutic mythology of the sort the Nazis provided and Rosenberg aimed to codify ideologically. I don’t think the Nazi ideology can be understood without it, point blank. It does not humanize but does explain their monstrosities as well as the insane beliefs that generated them.

As a last word before turning to the series itself, there are important and concerning lessons for us today in this framing. Whether through Woke attack, the reorganization of the world geopolitically and global-economically since the end of the Cold War (and with the rise of China), the ravages of mass immigration, the injustice of ESG and DEI being forced destructively on everything, or the unbelievable trauma and shock of what was done to us by our own governments through Covid-19 and since, we find ourselves in a not-dissimilar situation today. Critical America Theory (on both sides) has created a humiliated American national psyche, as have these other factors. Europe, Canada, and Australia fare similarly, especially given the rise of the Red–Green Alliance and the mass importation, mainstreaming, and protection of openly jihadist Islam into our countries. We are a powder keg.

In addition, while the natural sciences might be matured now, pseudo-science, rank historicism, mysticism, and outright conspiracy theories dominate our individual and collective thinking. A new “myth of the twenty-first century” is already being loosely written around this mess, or, a few of them are being, and the mass movements around these new social mythologies are already collected and mobilizing. We find ourselves in a precarious situation.

The best thing I know to do in such a situation is to offer perspective—the kind of perspective the Nazi Experiment series was produced to convey, this spinoff serving as another important chapter of that message. The perspective is: we have been here before; we have taken similar steps to solve our problems before, too; the results were calamitous.

Now, that introduced, and that point explained, I present the Myth of the Blood podcast series, as a spinoff of the Nazi Experiment series, on New Discourses.

The Prequel: “The Nazi Experiment, Volume 13: The Myth of the Blood,” April 20, 2026 (Hitler’s birthday!)

Myth Volume 1: “Pseudo-traditionalism and the Nordic Science,” May 1, 2026

This first official volume in the Myth of the Blood series takes the listener through more of the extensive first chapter of Rosenberg’s crackpot-therapeutic book. It sets the above frame for the series while revealing how Rosenberg expresses it.

Particularly among its goals is to present not just the framing and pseudo-intellectualism of the Nazi myth, but also the pseudo-traditionalism of that myth, the Nazi movement, and all Woke Nationalist programs. In reaction against the rampant, even violent, anti-traditionalism of the Woke Left (including Marxism), the Woke Nationalist response appears to double down on traditionalism, but it is a lie. Genuine tradition is replaced by the romantic pseudo-intellectual and therapeutic myth, producing an enforced and totalitarian pseudo-traditionalism that the reactionary tyrants will force on people, partly in direct service to their goals and partly as a litmus test of friend and enemy. Friends will adopt it as though it is real; enemies will reject it and reveal themselves. The key thing is, it isn’t traditional. It’s a counterfeit.

The Myth of the Blood, as Rosenberg has it, is arguably the most clearly developed foundation for such a counterfeit that I’m aware of in print, though other contenders exist and my own reading is far from comprehensive. It therefore serves as a case study for the pseudo-traditional phenomenon, and this volume of the series aims to make that visible and tractable for people.

Myth Volume 2: “Aryan Dynamism and the Living Revelation,” May 15, 2026

As with the Nazi Experiment podcast series, much of the point of the Myth of the Blood series is to show the actual contents of the belief system it is focused upon. In the case of this episode, it is the rejection of a unitary God for a dynamic dualism—a dialectic—as the genuine foundation for truth, reality, and spiritualism. Rosenberg lays this out at the end of the long first chapter of The Myth of the Twentieth Century, which is creepily titled, “Race and Race Soul.”

A static God, and thus a static universe, are rejected. A mythology of dynamic change without bounds, as guided by the human will and underlying racial values, replaces it. This exposes a fundamental progressivism and rejection of reality every bit as important as that on the Left, though superficially less obviously.

By setting up his myth as a battle between the static and stagnant and the dynamic and infinitely possible, Rosenberg invites the wounded psyche to abandon that which can be cast as holding him back and to embrace the limitless possibilities of the human imagination and will. Here, then, the first truly Luciferian basis for the Nazi mythology emerges, as does a deep psycho-mythological foundation for the Schmittian “unbound executive” that a Man of Destiny like Hitler must necessarily be.

Reality isn’t just what we have, and Revelation, either general or special, aren’t just what we have been given. Reality is becoming, and we are its authors. We, in fact, under the Führer, are Revelation ourselves, unbound by any moral limitations to make the possible become real.

The Bullet: “Introducing the Myth of the Blood,” May 18, 2026

As with the Nazi Experiment podcast series, I felt it was important to both summarize the main point and advertise the whole series with a short “Bullet” podcast. The point of this quick episode is therefore to give an overview of this aspect of Nazi belief and a taste for listeners who either might not have time for more or, on the other hand, might be interested to learn more but don’t follow all my long-form episodes.

Myth Volume 3: “Love as the Enemy of Race and Honor,” June 12, 2026

The second chapter of The Myth of the Twentieth Century poses a conflict between two prime values that cannot genuinely mingle: Love and Honor. Love, says Rosenberg, is a false value. Honor is the true one. The purpose of this episode in the series is to highlight his view of that conflict, which is ultimately meant to begin to shift German Christians away from Christianity and onto Nazism.

This episode skims through much of the chapter, touching on the three incarnations of Love as a core value (and thus anti-European bad guys who hold these). The first criticized, and far most extensively, is the Christian, especially Catholic, view of love, which is love of your neighbor as yourself and, especially, caritas; that is, charity. Rosenberg’s anti-Catholicism in this chapter is so overwhelming that it would make most New Atheists blush—even as he gives very similar arguments to theirs. Key among these arguments is that the Catholics use Love as a value not because they have or exhibit it themselves but as an instrument of control over the laity, which they exempt themselves from. He is so thoroughly vicious about Catholicism and the damage he believes it did to Europe and Germany that I felt compelled to nickname this chapter “Rosenberg hates Catholics,” which I upgraded later to, “Rosenberg really hates Catholics.” The next volume of the series, not this one, chases that theme.

The second form of Love Rosenberg stamps upon is humanitarianism, which he attributes to Jews and Freemasons. Of course, this gives us certain echoes to the Woke Right of today. The third is sympathy, which he says is a particularly Russian form of expressing Love as a core virtue.

Against these, Rosenberg holds out that the German (or European, or Nordic, or Aryan) blood-borne value of character is Honor, which is expressed in duty and self-sacrifice. The Nordic isn’t concerned with silly trivial matters like “sin” because he is above them. His honor is his code, and by his honor he does the right thing, even when it’s wrong, so long as he maintains his honor in the end. Thus, the Nordic soul is sinless—sin is a category error to the great Nietzschean German who, like Zarathustra, becomes the Übermensch, the Superman, by overcoming all morality outside of his own vision and will expressed in honor and duty.

This, in other words, is an alarming component of the might-makes-right underlying belief structure of Hitler’s program and their pseudo-Darwinian racial science.

Myth Volume 4: “The Anti-Christian Foundation of Positive Christianity,” July 27, 2026

This is the volume in this series that, in my mind, should have been titled “Rosenberg really hates Catholics,” and it focuses on going through much of the anti-Catholic screed, spanning dozens of pages and many sections, Rosenberg gives as the backbone of this chapter. Note: He gives this scathing treatment to Catholics, not to Jews or Freemasons, who get a single section of the chapter that they must share.

To my mind, this element of this chapter serves the purpose of severing from the genuine Catholic the ties to his faith through nothing short of a relentless critical theory of it. The goal is to deracinate the Catholic through ruthless criticism in order to put him on the shifted foundation of Nazi foundational values. Those will serve as the bridge across Styx into Nazi ideological Hell.

This volume of the series therefore highlights Rosenberg’s aim to use “Positive Christianity,” as called for in point twenty-four of the Nazi Party Platform (1920), as a bridge or vehicle to take believing Christians off their religion and onto Nazi ideology. It reveals the agenda to make Nazis out of Christians, here starting with German Catholics. The method is by putting their racial/national (Volk) identity at conflict with their religious identity, and Rosenberg spares no tool in trying to make it happen.

Echoes to today are available, whether through “Christian Nationalism,” Catholic Integralism, or esoteric Traditionalism, all of which are aiming to seduce our faithful, especially among the young.

Myth Volume 5: “Pseudo-Gnostic Nazi German Mysticism,” August 26,

The third chapter of Rosenberg’s Myth is, in part, a mild attack on Protestant Germans, similar to the above against Catholics, but in main simply alarming. This volume in the series explores the first part of this strange and revealing chapter, in which Rosenberg openly says that the German religion is mysticism and identifies it with being Luciferian (near the end). To accomplish this without alienating everyone, he hearkens back to a famous and somewhat foundational German Catholic, the almost-heretical Dominican friar Johannes Eckhart, whom he misrepresents to a degree. Eckhart’s life spanned the end of the thirteen and beginning of the fourteenth centuries, so he is taken as a foundation stone for German mysticism and true Germanic religion 600 years before the present Myth.

Eckhart is presented as a man of his times, trapped to express his true Germanic spirit through the conduit of a Catholic framework that almost killed him for it, though, in Rosenberg’s telling, he was successful and began the process of releasing the imprisoned Nordic-Germanic spirit from the Syrian-African-Roman-Etruscan (Catholic) prison in which it was trapped. In truth, Eckhart was a heretic, or just at the line, but he escaped his trial first by promising to recant if he was wrong and then by dying before his case was to be heard.

In Rosenberg’s telling, the foundation of German mysticism, as per Eckhart, is that the Kingdom of God is found within, and it is revealed and brought into the world through acts of will. Will, in fact, serves as the human form of the third person of the Godhead; that is, the human expression of the Holy Spirit. Eckhart, in fact, is the one whose theology declared the idea of the “Godhead” to begin with, with the Trinity being subordinate manifestations of a higher unitary whole. This ability to escape the lower form of theological expression appealed to Rosenberg and, to him, expressed the free (or liberated) German spirit from within a Catholic container.

Before the end of the chapter (read first in this episode), Rosenberg compares this element of the Germanic spirit to Luciferianism, which he expressly calls “good.” He compares it to Satanic approaches, which he describes as bad and ascribes to the Jews. His view of these motifs is that Luciferian thought and action is the only truly creative sort that builds a cultured and developed world out of its raw materials, but when this is done only with thought to self-interest, instead of collective benefit, it is actually Satan, not Lucifer. This is what he accuses the Jews of doing (as a matter of their blood-borne intrinsic nature).

As a final note, the attack on German Protestantism here is of the same displacing kind as his attack on German Catholicism in the previous chapter but far less explicit and vicious. In effect, he uses Eckhart to undermine Martin Luther. While Luther expressed part of the Germanic spirit by rebelling against the Catholic Church—though wrongly by embracing the Jewish Old Testament—Eckhart did it more completely and better through his German mysticism, even though the earlier times demanded that he do so constrained to a Catholic form. The effect is the same, though. Protestants are given a reason to believe, in terms of their mythological racial identity, that their faith gets it subtly wrong and should be reconsidered. Rosenberg and his Positive Christianity will offer the terms upon which that is to be done.

To be continued

As you might imagine, I find this aspect of the Nazi ideology to be truly fascinating. This exploration, particularly through Rosenberg, will continue. While I have read through the end of the third chapter, I am currently left wondering if I should record more of it or move on. The fourth chapter and beyond (still more than half of the book) await me. There will be more to come. Stay tuned.

Other Possible (or Likely) Spinoffs to Come

Beyond even Rosenberg, there are other worthy, if not necessary, spinoff series (or at least episodes) exploring the deeper roots and stranger aspects of the Nazi ideology. Just for completeness and, perhaps to whet listeners’ appetites, I will close by briefly describing those here.

Behind Rosenberg hides Chamberlain. Houston Stewart Chamberlain, a Brit who relocated to Germany, wrote the book that not only inspired Rosenberg’s Myth of the Twentieth Century but that also moved Hitler. That book is called The Foundation of the Nineteenth Century, and it is nearly 1000 pages long. Like Rosenberg, but a little earlier, it blends pseudo-science, historiography, pseudo-traditionalism, mythology, and other forms of mysticism and pseudo-traditionalism to tell a story that just ain’t so but that also managed to move mountains. Among these influences, directly, were the Theosophy of the fraud and mystic Helena Blavatsky, who established the Theosophical Society in London in the 1870s and thereby caused much neo-mystical trouble that we’re still dealing with on a daily basis in our lives today. There is certainly a spinoff series waiting for me (and us) here.

As noted, there are other veins of race-mysticism that also influenced the Nazis, if not Hitler himself. The most famous of these is a direct adaptation of Blavatsky’s Theosophy into a crackpot study of the Aryan race, which she introduced (along with the Swastika) in her (1350-page) tome of race-mystical nonsense called The Secret Doctrine. While I don’t think The Secret Doctrine itself is likely too worthy of our attention, despite these ties and others, it just being too strange and dense for the purpose, the German “Ariosophy” (“spiritual wisdom of the Aryans”) it inspired almost certainly is. While fringe, the Ariosophy movement undoubtedly influenced Hitler and other early Nazis of prominence—and here it’s good to remember that when Hitler joined the German Workers’ Party (DAP) in 1919, he was the seventh member, and was preceded by Dietrich Eckhart. That is, they were small enough that even a fringe movement like Ariosophy could have had—and likely did have—an outsized influence on their thinking. It is plausible that a spinoff series—or at least an episode—lurks in this direction.

There are also other thinkers and veins of thought that were prominent within the Nazis, though perhaps their contributions would mostly be fitting in a continuation of the main Nazi Experiment series unless they’re so significant that they deserve their own in-depth treatment. That’s worth mentioning.

And lastly, there’s the obvious and huge rabbit hole that almost certainly demands to be filled for a plethora of reasons: Carl Schmitt. Carl Schmitt almost certainly deserves a spinoff series of his own that, in turn, might generate further spinoffs. The reasons are many. First, Schmitt is obviously a central thinker in terms of legal and other philosophy. Second, Schmitt is a central thinker to today’s Woke Right, which is the only reason any of this Nazi exploration has been on my plate and podcast to begin with. Third, Schmitt lives on as a foundational thinker to the closest thing the non-Islamic world has to Nazi ideologies today: both the Chinese Communist Party in its “Opened Up” post-Mao reformulation, and to the esoteric geopolitical thinking of the highly influential Russian crank Aleksandr Dugin, also a Woke Right darling of note. Fourth, not only is he foundational in all these ways, there’s just a lot there. In terms of the world we deal with today, Schmitt is a big deal, so much so that his Nazi stuff is almost tangential, even though it cannot and should not be ignored or played down.

Schmitt, as I said above, had at least three clear phases of relevance: pre-Nazi, Nazi, and post-Nazi. All three are interesting to our purposes and voluminous. In his pre-Nazi era, we have his book on dictatorship, his Political Theology and theory of the sovereign and unbound executive, his Concept of the Political and its infamous and ubiquitous friend-enemy distinction. During his Nazi phase, we see him put all of that into employment to vigorously defend and justify one of the worst regimes in history, whatever his current newfound fans seem to think of him. In his post-Nazi era (counting from when he was sidelined, not after 1945), we have his geopolitical musings, which are foundational (like his other work) to Aleksandr Dugin’s philosophy and global ambitions. These begin with Land and Sea, where he seems to blend many things at once, including Hegel’s philosophy of state, esoteric geopolitics in the vein of Mackinder, and German mythopoetic thinking (e.g., Goethe). This book serves as the foundation for what he considered the culmination of his philosophy, Nomos of the Earth, where he lays out an esoteric new law for geopolitical organization in line with the former. All of this, not least because of its relevance today to Dugin and the Woke Right, begs for thorough exploration. It is, sadly, a lot of reading.

Finally, Schmitt provides further important avenues for potential further spinoffs, both backwards in time to his sources and forward in time to his present-day supporters. Looking backwards, at the least, the reactionary philosophy of French divine-monarchist Joseph deMaistre, another Woke Right favorite, is likely justified, at least for an episode or two. Looking forward, current Woke Right obsessions—which began with Harvard Law professor Adrian Vermeule, a Catholic Integralist, digging him up to justify even more central power and control after 9/11 in the style of the Patriot Act—may merit interest (and at least certainly mention!). His ties to the present Chinese Communist Party’s philosophy bear examination, as do his parallels to the wicked neo-Marxist of the West’s New Left, Herbert Marcuse, whose “Repressive Tolerance,” at the very least, appears to be a Leftist application of the friend-enemy distinction, whether he knew it or not. And then finally, almost certainly worth a spinoff that any sane person would dread doing, there is Aleksandr Dugin, who does nothing at all to hide his Schmittian foundations and cannot be understood without them.

I say all of this here, where it seems so unnecessary, to make a simple closing point on this very long piece about the Nazi Experiment: there is a lot to the story. Understanding the Nazis and their unique brand of race-nationalist socialism, as well as the cataclysmic failures of their Nazi Experiment, as lessons for our own time now, involves a lot—a whole lot. Hitler and his cronies, Rosenberg, Chamberlain, the Ariosophists, Blavatsky and the Theosophists, Schmitt and his predecessors and intellectual posterity are all, at a minimum, relevant to this story, with many cross-hatching particulars that interlace with other monstrosities relevant to our interests.

So, long as this is, in some sense, it is also just a beginning. I hope I will have time to explore much of it, especially given the incredible demands of our current situation, which tend to divert me pretty easily and regularly. In either case, however far this or these series develop and wherever they go, I’m grateful to have you with me for the ride.

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